IF the demonic spectacle of a federal minister rejoicing that he has fulfilled his vow to “put fire” in Oyo State or the pathetic excuse of a former governor (Ayodele Fayose) alleging that Governor Seyi Makinde paid terrorists to abduct students and teachers and behead Michael Oyedokun does not speak to the pervasive danger that Yorubaland currently faces at the hands of depraved individuals, nothing ever will. For years, I have warned about the danger posed by terrorists and their enablers, including political lepers exploiting the pains of the victims of terror for personal gain, to the survival of the land, but one can only do so much. Yorubaland cannot outsource its protection to outsiders. It also cannot tolerate the antics of moral midgets trading the blood of their kith and kin for political patronage. When the South-West states created Amotekun, the bulwark currently preventing the takedown of the zone by Fulani terrorists, the Presidency, then piloted by a subversive individual who asked the grieving people of Benue State to accommodate their killers following the New Year’s Day massacre of 2018, rose up in arms against it, mounting a firm defence of killer herders.
If the Fulani onslaught on the South-West is to stop, it will require collective effort, not the empty, insane boasts of politically motivated individuals. First, the governors of the South-West states, following legislation by their respective state Houses of Assembly, must procure AK-47s and other requisite weapons for Amotekun. That is in firm consonance with international law, logic and common sense. If terrorists can gain access to sophisticated weapons and carry out genocidal onslaughts across the country, lawfully established and state-sanctioned security agencies can. In the United States, it is the political authority set over California or Indiana that protects the land, with support from the Federal Government. A situation where the Federal Government continues to assume the powers of life and death over the states that supposedly make up the Nigerian federation can no longer be tolerated. The states must assume the power to acquire arms for the security agencies they have established by law to protect the lives and property of their people. Let them take the initial, bold step and if there are constitutional disputes, let such disputes be taken to the Supreme Court. If Amotekun does not get the kind of arms with which it can withstand the firepower of Fulani terrorists, one of the most prominently listed terror groups on the Global Terrorism Index, Yorubaland will be overrun, and go into second slavery.
Second, similar to the federal forest guards, there must be state Tactical Guards (TGs) comprising three distinct formations: Agbekoya, OPC, and seasoned hunters. This must be actualised by a law passed by the respective state Houses of Assembly. It can be done by modifying the law establishing Amotekun, expanding the operations of the outfit in response to extant threats. For these state TGs, who will protect state reserves and carry out other intelligence operations, the requirements and qualifications must be tailored in such a way as to blend forest experience with the power of youth. That means that people as old as 60 can be incorporated into the formation based strictly on their experience with wild animals. It is a no-brainer that to deal with the wild animals called terrorists, you need seasoned hunters. As I wrote in the piece, “If we don’t take charge of our forests, we won’t see tomorrow” (February 25, 2025): “Reclaiming the forests is vital to seeing tomorrow. Those who want to witness tomorrow don’t leave their forests to foreigners.”
In this regard, the governments of the South-West states must constitute an Elders Security Council (ESC) comprising retired members of the armed forces, the police, and other security agencies. The primary duty of such councils, whose creation shall be ratified by the respective state Houses of Assembly, will be to formulate strategies for the Expanded Amotekun Operations (EAO); that is, the operations that now incorporate Agbekoya, OPC and seasoned hunters. Third, there must be a Diaspora Protection Fund managed by respected and highly accomplished individuals. This fund, which shall be channelled by Yoruba diaspora groups towards the protection of the homeland, shall provide complementary financial support to communities across the South-West states.
Fourth, the governments of the South-West states must actualise a cattle revolution. In my piece, “Why can’t Yorubaland feed on its own cattle?” (May 2, 2026), I called for a regional commitment by Yoruba political and economic leaders to cattle self-sufficiency as a strategic objective. I urged massive ranch establishment across Yorubaland, with large-scale cattle breeding programmes, importation of improved breeds, and expansion of breeding centres, coupled with the development of supporting industries, feed production, veterinary services, modern slaughterhouses, meat processing and dairy facilities, transportation and cold-storage infrastructure. I also urged government support and incentives: access to credit, tax incentives, technical assistance, and infrastructure provision. As I argued, existing South-West initiatives in Oyo and Ogun can be expanded into a broader regional programme. My thesis is that as local production rises, Yorubaland would become less vulnerable to disruptions associated with the current system of sourcing cattle from the North. I hereby restate my call for a Yoruba-owned and Yoruba-based livestock economy, built around ranching, breeding, feed production, meat processing, and coordinated regional investment.
I wrote: ‘Yorubaland can raise its own cattle, abandoning the northern grazing model. It can achieve a lot through ranching. It is a no-brainer that controlled, fenced systems with planted pasture use land more efficiently. The South-West would be saving its future by investing in cattle feed (e.g., cassava peels), improving cattle breeds and productivity, and investing more purposefully in slaughterhouses, refrigeration and transport. Evidently, public-private partnerships, private investments and cooperatives can go a long way in this regard, as can well-thought-out land policies for ranching. What if the South-West states set a target to produce at least 40 percent of the region’s cattle needs, establishing multiple functional ranches in each state? Nothing stops them from setting aside an adequate number of hectares, undertaking breeding upgrades through imports or partnerships, creating state-of-the-art abattoirs, and upgrading dairy collection systems. Suppose organs like Afenifere launch a Cattle Breeding Initiative with significant support from Yoruba people in Euro-America and other climes? And suppose that this scheme is backed up by security arrangements using seasoned hunters with complementary support from Amotekun? There will always be problems, but it is better to fight off danger than to sit idly and do nothing.”
Actually, the measures suggested here can be applied by other states groaning under the yoke of Fulani terrorism. If they are wrong, let the authorities implement the right options.
